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December/January
2004- CER BULLETIN, ISSUE 33 SHOULD
BRITAIN HOLD A REFERENDUM ON THE EU CONSTITUTION? Dear
Charles, This position is predictable but a shame. It makes the government look needlessly arrogant and defensive. According to opinion polls, the vast majority of people in Britain, close to 80 per cent, want a referendum. Interestingly, some prominent pro-Europeans have come out in favour, showing that calling for a referendum is not the preserve of anti-European forces. Of course few people know what exactly is in the draft constitution. It is also true that the document would not create massive new powers for the EU. But it is hard to argue against giving people a direct say in how the EU is run. Technically the government is right in portraying the constitution as a clarification exercise. But politically this position is tone deaf. As the formal basis for the new European Union of 25 countries, the constitution is rightly seen as a historical document. Moreover, if the constitution is important enough to be subjected to referenda in eight or more other EU member-states, why not in Britain? It
is time for pro-Europeans in Britain to shake off their defensive and defeatist
attitude. It is tactically shrewd but strategically flawed always to portray
any EU initiative as insignificant polishing. Instead pro-Europeans should acknowledge
that EU integration requires a pooling of sovereignty but then make the case
why and how Britain benefits. They should not let the government get away with
regularly promising 'a great national debate' on Britain's relationship with
Europe and then failing to deliver one. Politics and leadership are about changing
things, not merely going with the flow. And if successful, a referendum could
be cathartic, killing off, once and for all, the canard that the EU is somehow
imposed on people against their will. Dear
Steven, If the new constitutional treaty transformed Britain's relationship with the EU, I would support a referendum on it. Although we will not know the final version until the inter-governmental conference (IGC) has concluded, we can be fairly sure that it will alter very little in the way Britain is governed. Most of the constitution simplifies and consolidates the existing treaties and jurisprudence. The biggest innovations, in my view, are the merger of the jobs held by the external relations commissioner and the High Representative for foreign policy; the creation of a full-time 'president', who will enjoy no presidential powers other than to chair the European Council and act as a top-level spokesman for the EU; and the end of the national veto over asylum policy. The
first two are largely technical matters that are of little interest to most
voters. Asylum policy has more salience. But it is easy enough to argue that
asylum is a problem best tackled through common EU policies even the Sun called
for majority voting on asylum policy not so long ago. The Single European Act
of 1985 led to a much larger extension of majority voting into most single market
issues but we had no referendum then. If the new constitution ended the national
veto over taxation, foreign policy or defence, I would call for a referendum.
But it will not. However, I share your despair at the British government's failure
to argue the case for the constitution. It says it must wait for the end of
the IGC but by then the europhobes will have fooled many people into believing
that the constitution will create a super-state. With a few honorable exceptions,
including the current minister for Europe, ministers have shown themselves to
be incapable of and unwilling to explain why Britain is better off in Europe.
Until that argument is won there is no hope of persuading the British to vote
for the euro. Dear
Charles, You are right that the constitution will not overhaul completely Britain's relationship with the EU. But majority voting on migration and asylum, a new 'foreign minister' and Council President, an expansion of powers of the European Parliament and the European Court of Justice: these changes matter. The task ahead is to explain why they are useful, not to deny their importance. Moreover, this focus on the technicalities risks missing the bigger picture: people want a vote on 'Europe'. The European cause suffers if it is always associated with elitism and undemocratic practices. Can
we win? Admittedly the polls look bad right now. But remember that when campaigning
started in 1975, the No side led by two-to-one. In the end, the referendum passed
by the exact reverse margin. If you treat the electorate with respect instead
of disdain and, if you explain how well Britain does out of this constitution,
there is every chance a majority will agree with us. Dear
Steven, Steven
Everts is senior research fellow and Charles Grant is director of the CER. Centre for European Reform © CER 2003
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