TURNING EAST: EUROPE COURTS ASIA by Edward Bannerman
February/March
2001 - CER BULLETIN, ISSUE 16
TURNING EAST:
EUROPE COURTS ASIA Edward Bannerman
The United States
has long cast its shadow over the formal meetings of Asian and European ministers.
"How will this play in Washington?" was the unspoken caveat to the
normally unexciting conclusions of most Asian-Europe Meetings (ASEM).
The January ASEM
gathering of finance ministers in Kobe, Japan, suggests that this period of
deferring to the absent superpower may be drawing to a close. The fifteen EU
states and ten east Asian nations - including China and Japan - gave notice
that they wanted to strengthen mutual contacts. The aim is to put relations
between Europe, North America and Asia on a more even footing.
Thanks largely to the rapid growth of China, trade between Europe and Asia is
now broadly equivalent to that between Europe and North America. But there is
an important qualitative difference. Transatlantic trading relations are underpinned
by long-established inter-governmental contacts and large bilateral flows of
direct investment. In contrast, the dialogue between Europe and Asia, whether
political, commercial or cultural, is still in its infancy. In the post-colonial
era, Europe has had little direct stake in the region. In Asia, the EU attitude
has been summed up as "arrogance, agriculture and anti-dumping".
The presence of 25 finance ministers from both regions at Kobe highlighted the
renewed seriousness of this relationship, both as an engine of growth in the
world economy and as part of a broader move towards closer co-operation on global
issues. Delegates on all sides were able to hail the recent recovery of the
euro on the currency markets. Europeans present this as overdue recognition
of their sound economic fundamentals and moves to structural reform. Asian ministers
are simply relieved that their earlier large investments in the new currency
have not been entirely misplaced.
Both sides share the view that the euro could and should take its place as a
major reserve currency to balance the hegemony of the US dollar. In a partnership
that would until recently have been implausible, a joint Franco-Japanese initiative
has proposed a managed exchange rate regime for the volatile emerging markets
of East Asia. Such ideas have been anathema to the free-marketeers of Washington
who contend that currencies should either float freely or be rigidly pegged
to the dollar. The arrival at the IMF of Horst Köhler, however, formerly
at the German Finance Ministry and an architect of EMU, may mark a change in
philosophy. Indeed, Herr Köhler spoke sympathetically at Kobe about the
need for countries to develop exchange rate regimes suitable to their circumstances.
In the face of open US criticism, a number of Asian countries last year established
a regional currency swap regime among their central banks. The region's finance
ministers are now keen to undertake further technical co-operation with their
European counterparts on currency issues. There is no immediate prospect of
a single Asian currency, but the idea is discussed openly by finance ministers
and their advisors as a means of bolstering intra-regional trade and the ever-elusive
"Asian identity". In an interesting reversal of the European experience,
it is conceivable that Asia may push ahead with some form of currency union
before the political will exists to establish a comprehensive single market.
Apart from the economic "pillar", ASEM institutions now also cover
political and cultural exchanges. There is talk of developing a dialogue on
human rights related issues. However, sensitivities in these areas will be particularly
acute now that China and Vietnam have taken over as Asian co-ordinators on the
key ASEM Committees. A new European Commission strategy paper on relations with
Asia, which is expected in July, will take a long, hard look at these issues.
There is a clear
opportunity for Europe to develop a new partnership with the region, but it
will require delicate handling. The ongoing economic problems in Japan deprive
Asia of a potential leader. There are some clear tensions between the more integrationist
members of ASEAN and the more rigidly inter-governmental approach adopted by
North East Asian countries. Exasperated Americans often ask "Who speaks
for Asia?" The Europeans, with their lengthy experience of managing the
competing agendas of geographically close but politically divergent countries,
have much to offer.
Edward
Bannerman is the new Head of the Business and Economics Unit at the CER.