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| Many European defence companies aspire to gain access to the US defence market. America has the largest defence budget in the world – some $280 billion, or 3.3 per cent of GDP in 2000 – and is the source of much of the world's most advanced defence technology. In contrast, the defence budgets of the EU countries, at approximately $145 billion, are only 1.8 per cent of GDP. America's defence budget, like that of most EU countries, fell rapidly during 1990s. But in recent years, unlike the European budgets, it has risen again. |
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| A European Union (EU) of 26 or more member-states will certainly be far more diverse – in economic, social, cultural and political terms – than the current one. Few people would argue that a monolithic, homogenous Union is what Europe needs. In order to accommodate different aspirations, it makes sense to allow groups of member-states to integrate at different speeds and in different policy areas. The question is thus no longer whether the EU needs flexibility at all, but rather, what sort of flexibility and with what aims? |
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| The European Union's political leaders have great ambitions for the years ahead: a successful economic and monetary union, a coherent and effective foreign policy, and the accession of up to 12 new member-states. Yet public confidence in the EU, and particularly in its ability to manage a €90 billion annual budget, is at an extreme low. The EU's plans could easily founder if the people of Europe are left behind, grumbling about the waste and corruption of the Brussels bureaucracy. |
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| No body has been so central to the development of the European Union as the Commission. It has been the architect and driving force behind the EU's greatest achievements, from the single market to the single currency. The Commission is a unique institutional innovation which distinguishes the EU from all other international and supranational organisations. That it has the sole right of initiative to propose legislation allows the Commission to control the EU's law-making agenda. |
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| One of the most constant features of the geopolitical landscape is the special relationship between London and Washington on intelligence matters. One of the most rapidly changing and unpredictable elements of that landscape is the emergence of a European Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). This paper examines whether, and to what degree, these two phenomena may be compatible. Many British officials involved in defence and foreign policy are relaxed about the question raised in the title of this paper. |
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