Gazprom’s uncertain outlook

Gazprom’s uncertain outlook

Gazprom’s uncertain outlook

Written by Katinka Barysch, 18 December 2009

by Katinka Barysch

Many people in the EU tend to see Gazprom as a mighty giant that uses energy as a political tool on behalf of the Kremlin. They say that Russia has leverage because it controls 40 per cent of the EU’s gas imports. They fear that Gazprom may again cut gas flows to Ukraine this winter. They should think again. Realities on the international gas market have changed. Gazprom faces almost unprecedented uncertainty. It should therefore be keener on stable energy relations and co-operative customers. There may be an opening for a revived EU-Russia energy dialogue.

Gazprom’s energy strategy, and its political swagger, were predicated on the assumption that gas demand in the EU – by far the company’s most lucrative market – would continue growing. But in 2009, European gas demand fell for the first time ever. In the short term, this may even have suited Gazprom. Many analysts had warned that Russia may be unable to fulfil its export obligations from 2011 onwards because it does not invest enough in developing new gas fields in Yamal and Shtokman. Russia’s ability to supply is now more in line with gas demand.

In the medium term, however, the outlook for the gas market is foggy. For a company that must ponder multi-billion dollar investments to prevent an impending output decline, sits on a $40 billion debt pile and faces tougher competition, this is an uncomfortable position to be in.

The sluggish global economy will cap energy demand at a time when technology has opened up entirely new possibilities for producers. In 2009, output of so-called unconventional gas (gas coming from rock formations) in the US has risen so fast that the US has mothballed its LNG terminals. LNG tankers from Qatar started sailing to Europe instead. The additional supplies have depressed prices in the ‘spot’ market for short-term gas contracts. Spot gas became very cheap compared with piped gas from Russia or Algeria, which is tied to the oil price with a lag. European companies bought more supplies on the spot market and Gazprom lost out.

If the price gap persists, the big European companies, such as E.On, Gaz de France or ENI, will want to renegotiate their long-term ‘take or pay’ contracts with Gazprom. Russia, so far, wants none of it. If the Europeans buy less than the minimum amount fixed in these agreements, Gazprom can charge them a fine. But if spot prices are sufficiently low, that may still make business sense.

It is not only slow global growth and new technology that are causing uncertainty for Gazprom. So are the EU’s climate change targets and its emerging diversification strategy.

The gas industry argues, somewhat optimistically, that tougher CO2 targets will play in its favour as EU countries are forced to shut down polluting coal plants. Energy experts are not so sure. If the EU is to achieve both its target to increase energy efficiency (by 20 per cent by 2020) and boost the share of renewables to 20 per cent, the role of gas in the energy mix will have to shrink. At the same time, the Europeans are debating how to diversify their gas supplies away from Russia, to minimise the risk of further gas crises like the ones in 2006 and 2009. Many in Europe ridicule the EU-backed Nabucco pipeline as a pipe dream. But Gazprom has taken it sufficiently seriously to move ahead with its €20 billion South Stream pipeline that would compete with Nabucco for both Caspian gas reserves and South East Europe’s fast-growing energy markets. Austria is the latest country that appears to have switched sides from Nabucco to South Stream.

Pipeline competition, disputes over long-term contracts and uncertainty over both supply and demand make for an antagonistic energy relationship. Neither the EU nor Russia can want this.

The EU’s energy majors will want to wiggle out of their inflexible 30-year agreements but without endangering their working relationship with Gazprom. Some of them have upstream interests in the exploitation of Russian oil and gas fields. Some are involved in multi-billion euro joint pipeline projects with Russia. Long-term contracts will remain important for EU-Russia energy ties, but perhaps without the outdated practice of linking gas prices to those of oil.

Pipeline competition is souring the political climate in Europe. The EU and Russia should discuss whether Nabucco and South Stream might be merged. Russia will need western capital and know-how to develop difficult new gas fields. The EU wants Russia to sign up to joint principles on energy sector investment and transit, especially after Moscow recently withdrew its signature from the Energy Charter Treaty. Russia seeks European help to make its hugely wasteful industrial and power sectors more energy efficient. The EU wants Moscow to adopt greener policies.

These issues, and plenty more, could fill a reinvigorated EU-Russia energy dialogue with substance. Gazprom’s weakened position may bring Moscow to the negotiating table in a more compromising and constructive mood. Progress on energy co-operation could help dissolve the gridlock in EU-Russia relations.

Katinka Barysch is deputy director of the Centre for European Reform.

Comments

Added on 18 Dec 2009 at 20:43 by Aydın Sezer

Thanks for the article...

''The EU and Russia should discuss whether Nabucco and South Stream might be merged.''

Dear Katinka, this can be possible if Recep Tayyip of Turkey notices this possibility. He is very close friend of Putin, Berlusconi, Talabani and Barzani. He is also supporting rapidly growing Turkish energy companies. It is something like family business for ERdoğan and AKP.

Roundtable on carbon capture and storage

Roundtable on carbon capture and storage

Roundtable on carbon capture and storage

02 December 2009

With Ruud Lubbers, professor at the John F. Kennedy School of Government and the Tilburg University.

Location info

Brussels

Pipeline politics: Why Nabucco is stuck

Pipeline politics: Why Nabucco is stuck

Pipeline politics: Why Nabucco is stuck

Written by Katinka Barysch, 29 January 2010

by Katinka Barysch

Last year, plans for the Nabucco pipeline – almost a decade in the making – appeared finally to make some headway. In March, the EU earmarked €200 million for preparatory work. The European Investment Bank and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development promised to help with financing the €10 billion cost. In July, the countries through which the 3,000 km pipeline will run (Austria, Bulgaria, Hungary, Romania and Turkey) signed a long-awaited ‘intergovernmental agreement’ on transit rules. Ratification of the IGA has been plodding along. Meanwhile, the six energy companies (from the transit states and Germany) that form the Nabucco consortium continued to look for gas to fill the pipeline. Two of them are trying to get involved in a big gas project in northern Iraq and another one in Turkmenistan. The EU started looking at the idea of aggregating European gas contracts through a ‘Caspian development corporation’ to get the likes of Turkmenistan interested in selling large volumes of gas westwards.

Now, however, Nabucco is stuck again. The reason is a dispute between Turkey and Azerbaijan. The 8 billion cubic metres of gas for the first phase of Nabucco was always expected to come from Azerbaijan’s new Shah Deniz II gas development. But Baku and Ankara cannot agree on how much Azerbaijani gas should go to Turkey, at what price and under what conditions. While the dispute continues, the companies involved in Shah Deniz II have stopped drilling.

Turkey already buys around 6 bcm of gas from the Shah Deniz I field, for a very good price. It sells half of that gas on to Greece at a much higher price. Baku insists that the old pricing formula needs to be revised. Turkey disagrees. As long as this issue is not resolved, an agreement on the Shah Deniz II gas looks unlikely. Without that gas, it is hard to see how Nabucco could get under way. Meanwhile, Azerbaijan has started shipping gas to Russia instead and promised to sell some to Iran and even China.

Although both Turkey and Azerbaijan insist that they really quarrel about energy, the fact that the two countries get on badly these days does not help. Azerbaijan became less forthcoming in the negotiations after Turkey announced a courageous plan to normalise its relationship with Armenia last year. Azerbaijan is furious about the idea that Turkey could open its border with Armenia before a solution has been found for the ‘frozen’ conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh, an area that has been occupied by Armenian troops since the early 1990s. Turkish leaders are in fact ambiguous about that, with Prime Minister Erdogan saying that the two issues are linked somehow. The Turkish parliament has not yet ratified the documents needed for the normalisation of relations with Armenia. Some now say it never will.

Although the prospects for a Nagorno-Karabakh settlement are not great, it is likely that Turkey and Azerbaijan will eventually reach a deal on energy that could restore momentum to Nabucco. Baku has a strategic interest in getting access to the European gas market. Turkey’s interest in becoming a European energy hub is just as strong. Both countries know that once gas starts flowing through Nabucco (or another pipeline that connects the EU market directly with the huge gas reserves of the Caspian), oil majors will be much more willing to explore other projects in the region.

The EU should stand ready to give Nabucco a bit of a political push once the Turkey-Azerbaijan dispute is resolved. Europeans have been too ready to dismiss Nabucco as a ‘pipe dream’. Russia, on the other hand, is taking it extremely seriously. Moscow fears that Nabucco will further erode its lucrative and politically expedient gas transport monopoly on the Eurasian landmass. It is pushing the rival South Stream pipeline and has signed agreements with a number of potential transit countries, including Turkey. It is also trying to buy up gas that could potentially feed Nabucco in Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan. A lot of that is posturing: “Any energy company that wants something from Russia at the moment has to sign up to South Stream,” says one gas expert. The memoranda of understanding on South Stream are vague and do not involve any financial obligations. But they could be just enough to put off potential financiers for Nabucco and sap what little political momentum there still is behind the project.

South Stream looks expensive, technologically complicated and unnecessary. Nabucco appears relatively realistic and it is further advanced in the planning process. The EU should call the Russians’ bluff by asking Gazprom to use Nabucco to ship gas into South and Central Europe.

The EU also needs to work harder to create more coherence between its energy policy and the political relationships it is building with potential supplier countries. In the past, the energy and foreign relations departments of the Commission, the European Council's high representative and the member-states have not always acted in unison.

The Lisbon treaty (which streamlines the EU’s foreign policy machinery) should help. But the EU’s nascent energy diplomacy can only make progress if the EU governments allow this to happen. Many European leaders and officials (in particular in Germany) remain convinced that the task of securing oil and gas supplies must be left to private companies and that the EU has no role to play in talking to energy producing countries about gas contracts and pipelines. The current highly politicised dispute over Nabucco should help to convince them of the contrary.

Katinka Barysch is deputy director of the Centre for European Reform.

Comments

Added on 12 Feb 2010 at 13:57 by Anonymous

There is a lot more influencing this:
Past Neocon meddling (December 2008 Condoleeza Rice signing a protocol with the Ukraine including assistance in the overhaul of the gas transit system. Yes, right before the latest problems. You can still find this protocol on Google cached pages) in the region has been reduced. Through hydraulic fracturing and horizontal drilling domestic natural gas production in the US has roughly doubled already thus greatly reducing any potential dependence on LNG from Gazprom. So the US interest in preventing Gazprom's monopoly has been greatly reduced. By the way Gazprom even during the cold war has been a pretty reliable partner. The Neocon stupidity has only succeeded in reinforcing the Russia-China ties. Looks that the current US administration has recognized this at least to some level. By the way Gazprom seems already to have looked in an alternate approach to Nabucco (if you cannot beat them, join them or even better buy yourself in).

Added on 31 Jan 2010 at 12:23 by Gokhanym

Unfortunately this Article is unfair and consist of false claims. Turkey is not a country to stuck Nabucco. European Countries are stuck Nabucco. Bulgaria, Romania, Hungary and Austria are the Countries signed South Stream Project with Russian Federation. Austria are trying to become main hub for Russian gas. Azerbaijan can not find a PARTY to sign and buy its gas. Who will be the BUYER is still unknown in Nabucco. Turkey and Azerbaijan are contuniung their negotiations and Turkey accepted to increase Azery Gas Price and New Price will be retroactive from 15 April 2008. Solving the European gas availability is firstly EU Member Countries Problem. Because they are getting EU funds not TURKEY. So responsibility is firstly Austria, Germany, Hungary
Romania and Bulgaria then you can ask Turkey that is still waiting for Openning of negotiations of Energy Chapter in EU membership negotiations.

Added on 29 Jan 2010 at 16:23 by Aydin SEzer

Turkish goverment is now playing crucial role in Nabucco Project. The AKP goverment is trying convince Russia to realize Samsun- Ceyhan oil pipe line project for Turkish CALIK group, a pro government company, and also nucleer power plant for another Turkish company namely CINER GROUP. So, the turkish government signed Nabuucco agreement for the purpose of to use it againts Russia, not to finalize it.

CER/ECFR conference on 'Achieving energy security in Europe'

CER/ECFR conference on 'Achieving energy security in Europe'

CER/ECFR conference on 'Achieving energy security in Europe'

17 November 2009

Speakers included: Carl Bildt, Andris Piebalgs, Maciej Wozniak, Pierre Noel, Richard Morningstar, Hryhoriy Nemyria. With the support of the Swedish Presidency of the EU.

Location info

Brussels

The Runway 3 red herring

The Runway 3 red herring

The Runway 3 red herring

Written by Charles Grant, 22 January 2009
From The Guardian

How to build an EU energy market

How to build an EU energy market

How to build an EU energy market

Written by Katinka Barysch, 18 February 2010

by Katinka Barysch

Unbundling the supply of energy from its transport, moving Europe towards a low-carbon energy system, and getting the Nabucco pipeline built – these were the priorities of the last energy commissioner, Andris Piebalgs. His successor, Günther Oettinger, will write his own to-do list. The EU now has a dedicated climate change commissioner, Connie Hedegard, with whom Oettinger will have to work closely. When it comes to the EU’s internal energy market and security of supply, Oettinger will also have to rethink.

Twelve years after the EU passed its first law to open up gas markets, and seven years after adopting a second package, there is still no EU-wide market for gas (electricity looks a little better). In France, Germany and other EU countries, big, vertically integrated energy companies have resisted the Commission’s successive attempts to create real competition. The last big push to break up these companies ended in a truce: the third energy package, adopted in 2009, allows gas companies to keep their pipelines, provided they run them as truly separate entities.

Oettinger and his team in the EU directorate-general for energy will have their hands full to make sure that EU countries implement the third package by the 2011 deadline. There is little appetite for re-opening the unbundling debate for now. If and when Europeans start talking about the fourth gas package, their focus will probably shift towards infrastructure and market regulations.

It has become clear that passing laws on liberalisation will not in itself deliver a European energy market. The physical links between national markets are missing. Moreover, the 2009 gas crisis illustrated that a functioning internal market is not only needed to deliver reliable, low-cost energy to European households and factories. It is also the EU’s main tool for improving security of supply. Gas links allow countries to switch suppliers in case of emergency.

The EU budget allocates only around €250 million a year to energy infrastructure (under the trans-European networks for energy, or TEN-E, programme). The EU’s economic recovery programme from last year earmarked €2.4 billion for energy projects, parts of it for the so-called interconnectors between national power grids and gas pipeline networks. Now the Commission has suggested that the EU should set up a new fund for the next EU budget period, which starts in 2014. This ‘energy security and infrastructure instrument’ could dispatch €1-2 billion a year.

Energy experts disagree whether public money is needed to build interconnectors, and if so, how much. The market alone will probably not deliver all the links needed for a Europe-wide network. But it should deliver most of it. The Clingendael Institute, a Dutch think-tank, reports that over the last decade, Europe has added a mere 1,000 kilometres to its trans-national pipeline network. In the US – where unbundling was completed by the early 1990s – private companies have built around 30,000 kilometres of new pipelines over the same period (in response to approximately the same gas demand growth).

The difference between the European and the American gas market is not only its size and the degree of liberalisation but also the way the market is regulated and run. Even if EU companies were fully unbundled, different regulations and licensing procedures in the various EU countries would still make it unnecessarily hard to build infrastructure that straddles borders. Harmonisation is needed here. Moreover, the EU may have to allow those companies that build cross-border links higher returns on their investment. To figure out which connections would make most sense for the EU as a whole, a Union-wide infrastructure plan is needed.

The EU has asked a new group of network operators (called ENTSO) to draw up a European infrastructure priority plan. And it is establishing a new ‘agency for the co-operation of energy regulators’ (ACER) in Slovenia. However, ENTSO’s plan may well be subject to the same national horse-trading that has characterised the allocation of previous EU infrastructure money. And it will not be binding on companies or governments. For economic and energy security considerations to take precedence, ACER should be given a stronger say in defining infrastructure priorities and driving harmonisation of licensing regimes forward. Only then could the EU justify setting up a new multi-billion euro energy infrastructure fund.

Katinka Barysch is deputy director of the Centre for European Reform.

Comments

Added on 20 Oct 2010 at 14:43 by Susana

EU infrastructure is very important. I hope it will be done ;)

Turkey's role in European energy security

Turkey's role in European energy security

Turkey's role in European energy security

External Author(s)
Katinka Barysch

Written by Katinka Barysch, 12 December 2007

Shale gas and EU energy security

Shale gas and EU energy security

Shale gas and EU energy security

Written by Katinka Barysch, 11 June 2010

by Katinka Barysch

Will unconventional gas solve Europe’s energy security problem? Many EU member-states rely a lot on Russian gas; in the case of some Central and East European countries the dependence is total. What if these countries suddenly discovered that they themselves sit on huge gas reserves? They should not hold their breath. Unconventional gas will make a big difference to the EU’s energy security – but perhaps not in the way that shale gas enthusiasts expect.

Unconventional gas (UG) is gas trapped in rock formations. The technology now exists to get this gas out. It involves drilling into the rocks and then blasting in water mixed with chemicals to extract the gas. In the US, the new technology has been a ‘game changer’. US production of shale gas (one form of UG) tripled in 2004-08, allowing America to overtake Russia as the world’s biggest gas producer. The US is now self-sufficient – which has enabled it to mothball its terminals for importing liquefied natural gas (LNG, gas that is frozen to liquid form and transported by tankers).

Is something similar about to happen in Europe? Some energy experts estimate that Europe’s UG reserves could be several times bigger than its conventional gas reserves. The likes of Exxon, Chevron, Shell and ConocoPhilips have already snapped up land plots in places that look promising for UG exploration, most notably in Poland, Sweden and Germany.

Should the EU scrap expensive and complicated diversification plans, such as the proposed Nabucco pipeline to import Caspian gas, and simply wait for the UG boom to happen in Europe? At a recent energy security conference in Vienna, gas experts, geologists and industry representatives urged caution.

* Estimates of European UG reserves are based on geological surveys that were not carried out with UG in mind. Only drilling holes in the ground will show whether the geology is indeed suitable for producing and commercially exploiting UG. So far, there has been very little drilling in Europe. A couple of wells in Hungary have been abandoned as unpromising. In southern Sweden, environmental concerns may make gas extraction impossible irrespective of whether the geology proves suitable. In Poland, the country considered most promising, not a single well has been drilled so far.

* In the US, it was small, technology-savvy energy companies that made the shale gas boom possible. The giant international oil companies have only recently joined the fray by buying up smaller companies with the right technology and know-how. Europe’s energy markets are still dominated by national champions. There are few nimble, innovative players. Expertise and infrastructure for UG development is scarce. Engineers are being flown in from Texas or Pennsylvania. In the whole of Europe, there are only 67 land rigs (the structures used in drilling for UG), compared with thousands in the US.

* US legislation tends to be rather kind to oil and gas companies. For example, the law that regulates the safety of drinking water has an intentional loophole that excludes ‘fracking’, the technology used to blast water and chemicals into rocks. Only now, with the shale gas boom in full swing, are environmental concerns mounting in the US. In Europe, by contrast, exploration starts with these concerns already being widely discussed. UG production needs huge amounts of water and, more importantly, uses chemicals that seep into the ground (usually at a depth of several thousand metres but that could store up problems in later years). Some UG drillings have made the earth shake near-by.

* Big UG sites require lots of space (they consist of scores of rigs close together), as well as new roads, reservoirs and pipelines. Planning restrictions in Europe are often tight, partly because the continent is more densely populated: typically 250-400 people live on each square kilometre in EU countries compared with 80 in the US.

* In the US, whoever owns a plot of land owns the resources beneath it. In EU countries, the resources below surface usually belong to the state. There will be no ‘poor farmers to shale gas millionaires’ stories in Europe. If only big energy companies gain, UG production could be less socially acceptable. Moreover, those companies looking for UG in Europe complain that local regulators and environment ministries have no experience with awarding the necessary licenses. Progress can be frustratingly slow.

* The US shale gas boom happened at a time when gas prices were rising and most analysts predicted steadily growing gas demand for years ahead. The situation is very different now. The European market is over-supplied at the moment, prices on the 'spot' market for short-term gas contracts have fallen significantly, and the medium-term outlook is highly uncertain. “High prices allowed us to make lots of mistakes when building up the US shale gas industry,” says one gas expert. “With depressed prices and demand in Europe, we have to be profitable straight away.” Because of the smaller scale of production and the dearth of infrastructure and expertise, it will probably cost two to three times as much to produce UG in Europe than in the US. So it is not clear whether European UG will be able to compete with LNG and pipeline gas.

Whether and when Europe’s first UG projects will become profitable is still anyone’s guess. One manager who runs a UG project in Poland says that in a best case scenario his company would need around three years to drill exploratory wells, another three to determine whether resources are commercially viable and yet more time to figure out how to get supplies to customers. One person involved in the Swedish exploration says he would expect commercialisation in around ten years.

“In Europe, unconventional gas is not a game changer,” concludes one executive of a big EU gas company. UG will most likely develop in Europe, but a repeat of the US shale gas boom is doubtful. The good news is that regardless of UG developments in Europe, the shale gas boom in the US is changing the global, and European, gas market.

Scores of new LNG terminals are being constructed in the Gulf, Africa and elsewhere. But the US LNG market has disappeared almost overnight. Other than Asia, that only leaves Europe as a destination for rapidly growing amounts of LNG. Already, market prices for LNG have collapsed in Europe, which, in turn, has forced pipeline gas suppliers such as Norway’s Statoil and Russia’s Gazprom to re-negotiate contracts with their biggest European customers. LNG imports mean more competition in a market hitherto dominated by 30-year contracts with fixed volumes and prices linked to the international oil price. That system is crumbling. Gazprom and other suppliers will have to make a bigger effort to be cheap and reliable – and that before even a single molecule of unconventional gas has been produced on the European continent.

Katinka Barysch is deputy director of the Centre for European Reform

Comments

Added on 26 Jul 2010 at 23:06 by Anonymous

Mr Grealy,

Dr Gubkin was not a co-author of Dr Konoplyanik. Gubkin is simply part of the name of Mr Konoplyanik's place of work. Too bad the chap is no longer with us, I would be very much interested to hear his opinion on the issue.

Added on 14 Jun 2010 at 15:20 by Nick Grealy

Drs Konoplyanik and Gubkin naturally have a somewhat negative view on shale in Europe. I think it would make more sense for Russia to start with their own shale reserves that tower over those in Europe.
Much of Ms Barysch's analysis makes sense, especially on LNG's impact. It is an analysis not unfamiliar to readers of www.nohotair.co.uk .
However given the market dynamics of Europe, it would not take much shale to have a significant impact. It will come and sooner than one thinks, but at that point we will have shale being exported from Texas directly to Europe in the form of LNG. Shale is accessible, affordable and despite what many in Gazprom would like us to believe, far more environmentally friendly than some would make out. Shale production would sit on our doorstep where we can keep an eye on how it is produced. I somehow would have more trust on the green footprint of shale techniques in Europe than conventional gas produced in Kovykta or Sakhalin or Yamburg or Urengoy to name just a few!

Added on 11 Jun 2010 at 14:43 by Andrey A.Konoplyanik

Excellent article! My congratulations to Ms.Barysch! This is an excellent analysis - the best one among those on shale gas that I have read/heard in the meantime. I have the same view as the author on the prospects of the shale gas in Europe and worldwide - this gas will definitely find its competitive niche in the energy balance, different in different regions and much smaller in Europe than in US, as the author has shown with good persuasive argumentation. Current eiphoria and exagerration regarding as if its future dominance in the energy mix and expectation that it will substitute traditional gas, including puipeline gas supplies to Europe from Russia, is very much emotional and is not based on fair economic justification of its future role. I do fully in agreement with Katinka that revolutionary role of shale gas need to be found out not in the current or future structure of energy balances, but in this "domino effect" that it has pushed forward and stipulated changes in contractual structures and pricing mechanisms in the international gas markets, including and first of all in Europe. I do agree with the author that without US shale gas this adaptation, that has started already, of contractual structures and pricing mechanisms in European gas market will be at least postponed for some indefinite future. I do agree that it was, in effect, US shale gas that stipulated Gazprom to adapt in long-term contracts to make them more flexible and more competitive within this new environment at the European gas market. My congratulations to Katinka! Very well done!
Dr.Andrey A.Konoplyanik, Consultant to the Board, Gazprombank, and Professor, Russian State Oil & Gas University n.a.acad.I.M.Gubkin, both Moscow, Russia

Launch of 'How to meet the EU's 2020 renewables targets'

Launch of 'How to meet the EU's 2020 renewables targets'

Launch of 'How to meet the EU's 2020 renewables targets'

17 September 2009

Speakers included: Stephen Tindale.

Location info

London

Roundtable on ‘The EU and carbon capture and storage’

Roundtable on ‘The EU and carbon capture and storage’

Roundtable on ‘The EU and carbon capture and storage’

09 September 2009

With Stephen Tindale.

Location info

London
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